When traditional Taiwanese think of stone and tree deities, they think of nominal adoption of unhealthy children. Indeed, the most distinctive role these deities play in traditional Taiwanese society is that they are guardians of children. As soon as a child is found "fundamentally weak", s/he will be taken to be nominally adopted either by a deity or a respectable woman. Among these deities who act as nominal parents, the Stone God and the Tree God are particular and worthy of study. According to my field research, almost half of the natural objects I studied are connected with the religious custom of nominal adoption. In this chapter, I shall first portray two religious customs relating to nominal adoption. I shall then analyse why some of the natural objects, among others, are favoured to be nominal parents. I also discuss the reasons some deities are thought unsuitable for nominal adoption. Finally, I shall argue why these deities are distinctive among other guardians of children.
II. Nominal Adoption and "Taking Water and Rice":
Chinese culture seriously asks every family to have descendants. Mencius, one of the most respectable philosophers, says: "There are three things which are unfilial, and having no progeny is the worst of these" (Mencius, IV. i. 26). However, it is not an easy task to raise a baby. Many biological and emotional difficulties can be anticipated in the period immediately following the birth of a child. The new born baby might refuse to nurse and gain little weight; it may also have a variety of disorders. J. M. Potter (1974), after doing research on Cantonese villages, reports that Cantonese:
... attribute most children's illnesses to soul loss. The souls of small children are loosely attached, and are easily frightened out of the child's body, making the child ill. Or a hungry or malicious ghost may enter a person's body and steal his soul. Usually the ghost holds the soul for ransom, releasing it in return for offerings of food and money. Sometimes the assistance of deities and spirit soldiers is needed to force a powerful and determined ghost to release a kidnapped soul. Intrusion of a ghost into a person's body is a third possible cause of illness. Because children are such easy prey for malicious spirits, sick children constitute most of the spirit medium's case-load.
Taiwanese generally believe that a child who is "kin-ki-jiok (literally, fundamentally weak)" is susceptible to getting sick and not expected to live very long, unless his/her fate is modified. (note.1)The child's souls, thus, are loosely attached, and are easily frightened out of the child's body by malicious spirits, making the child ill. It is called "phah tio kian" (being frightened). For the unhealthy (and unfortunate) child, both the medical treatment and the assistance of deities to ward off the evil spirits are needed, hence the saying: "Man ai sin, man ai lang (both person and deity are needed)".
Even though some children are fated to be fundamentally weak, pure fatalism, in the sense of passively allowing the world to work its own way, is not triumphal in
Indeed, if a child is physically or in any way manifestly abnormal, medical treatment is required. But if it is not so obvious, the child's parent might ask the elders of the neighbourhood for advice or go to the market town to consult a fortune-teller or shaman. If told that the child is not fortunate, namely, if the child is declared to be "fundamentally weak", the senior relative, elder of neighbourhood or fortune- teller consulted will recommend the establishment of a protective nominal kinship relation with a person or deity.
An easy and popular means to amend the baby's fate is to establish a kin relationship, known to the Taiwanese as "siu kheh-kian (literally, nominally adopting a child)", with a person or deity.(note.3) Usually a respectable woman who has raised many children to maturity, known to Taiwanese as "ho-mia-po (literally, fortunate woman), and whose husband, too, is lucky and prosperous, is considered suitable for the nominal adoption. The adoption between the "fundamentally weak" child and a person with fortunes, however, is purely nominal. It is not guaranteed by an official contract and gives no right to a material inheritance. The practice is based on the notion that the luck and, thus, the protective power of the nominal parents will be extended to their nominal children. (note.4)
However, certain basic obligations are incurred; the child should visit the nominal mother on all occasions when Chinese visit paternal kin and should come armed with gifts (cf. Topley 1974:244). In
Traditionally, the custom of "Kuan-chui-bi" is practised only when the nominal parent is a person and not a deity. However, a temple named "Te-bo Bio (
III. Nominal Adoption and "Wearing the Amulet"
The same rationale applies when the nominal parent, either male or female, is a deity. In
Traditionally, once a baby has reached its "muan-gue(i.e. a full month old)" but is regarded as "fundamentally weak", its parents will take it to a temple to worship the Stone God, the Tree God or other deities, if they prefer their baby to be adopted by a deity instead of a person, in order to engage her/his divine protection. During worship, an ancient coin, silver medallion, or medallion is hung on red silk thread, passed over the incense burner, and is worn on the neck of the child as an amulet. The rite is called "Kuan-kuin (Wearing the Amulet)". Yuan Chang-rue reports us a formal rite from a temple of a tree god of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T30; see figure 96):
Starting from October 12 each year, people would bring their child suffering bad health here to worship the big tree and ask it to adopt their child. The tree is referred to as Shu Wang Kung (The Master King of Big Tree). The tree is warded with brick walls, and under it is an altar for incense burning. The adoption ceremony includes the signing of an adoption agreement. And people have to pay NT$ 200 as deed tax. The deed itself is a paper card of 26.5 x
However, most ceremonies of nominal adoption I observed were as simple as I previously described and without any certificate (the Adoption Agreement) or the assistance of a priest.
The Stone God and the Tree God who have become the nominal parent must be worshipped with offerings of incense, spirit money and food regularly, especially at the deity's birthday. On that day, the red silk thread which hangs the amulet must be taken off to be renewed with a new silk thread. Again the amulet with new thread is passed over the incense burner and worn on the neck of the child. The practice is called "Uan-kuin (Renewing the Amulet)".
Moreover, the relationship of nominal adoption lasts, theoretically at least, until the age of sixteen, that is, to adulthood according to Chinese culture. The child must go to her/his nominal parent's temple at its birthday and thank the deity for her/his protection over the sixteen years and return the amulet in front of the deity. The custom is called "Thui-kuin (Taking off the Amulet)" (cf. Topley 1974:243; Wei & Coutanceau 1976:
If the child's nominal parent is "the Seven Star goddess" ("Chhit-niu-ma") instead of the Stone God or the Tree God, a rite called "Leaving the House of the Seven Star goddess" is to be performed in addition to the "wearing the amulet".
... offerings are made of daphenes, cockscomb, white jasmine, tree orchids, balsam flowers, and other sweet- scented blossoms. Besides these are offered fruits, white flour, common flowers, glutinous rice mixed with hemp oil, wine and chicken, various types of meat, and strangely enough, lipstick. If there are adults in the family, during an impressive ceremony special offerings are made of Chang, noodles and a "chhit-niu-ma pavilion" -an effigy made of paper, over two feet high, to represent the goddess' home. After the ceremony the family burns gold money, and money on which is printed the picture of clothes; at the same time the paper pavilion is set aflame, a catastrophe surely to anyone appreciative of the construction's intricacy and attention to detail! (Wei & Coutanceau 1976:
The observance in
A four sided rice measure with some rice in the bottom is placed on a table in the front of the reception room or in the open court. In it are put ten pairs of chopsticks and images which represent the children of the family. These are about six inches to a foot high, often consisting of a stick of wood with the features painted on it. If the child dies they are placed in the coffin. After the age of sixteen these images are discarded. If the family is in good circumstances a priest is invited to recite incantations. At a certain point in the ceremony the head of the family and the children kneel and worship before this altar. This will prevent them from succumbing to disease, and will ensure long life. Congee made of the rice in the bottom of the measure prolongs life (Hodous 1929:179-80).
The rite of "Leaving the House of the Seven Star Goddess", discarding a stick of images in
IV. Why They are Favoured as Nominal Parents:
According to analyses by certain field researchers (Feuchtwang 1974b; Wolf 1974), the supernatural world in Chinese popular religion is divided into three categories, that is, gods, ancestors and ghosts. Moreover, because the supernatural world is anthropomorphised as we said in Chapter Four, the category of gods is arranged in a bureaucratic structure. Although the bureaucratic structure differs according to the period and viewpoints of the worshippers, people generally agree that the bureaucratic hierarchy can be divided into three levels: the higher-ranking, the middle-ranking and the lower-ranking. (note.10)In various ritual practices and myths it is depicted as a bureaucratic organisation similar to that of the Chinese imperial government (Cohen 1987:291), despite the latter's demise more than eighty years ago. For example, the Jade Emperor and Emperor Guan and Hian-ten Emperor, Guanyin (the Goddess of Mercy), the Granny, the Royal Lords, and the Eternal Mother are bureaucratically very powerful and are classified as higher- ranking (cf. Yu Chun-fang: 1990). They were apotheosised and elevated because of their ethics or morality (cf. Wolf 1974:
Because they are believed to have great protective power, most higher-ranking deities nominally adopt children. Once a child is adopted by a higher-ranking god, a sack containing a talisman, a bit of incense ash, and/or a picture of the god serving together as an amulet is hung on red silk thread which should be worn on the child's neck. However, although belonging to the middle-ranking class, some goddesses are sometimes preferred by people as nominal parents. I hypothesise that the maternal nature of these goddesses overcomes the importance of the bureaucratic hierarchy as a determining factor. The fact that the Earth Mother, the Granny, the Near Water Goddess, the Bed Goddess and the Seven-star Goddess and others adopt innumerable nominal children proves my hypothesis.(note.11)
The deities classified as lower-ranking, such as the Tiger God, the Land Deities, the Toilet Deity, since they are considered as having only little power, rarely have any nominal children. Why, then, are the Stone and Tree God, despite belonging to the lower-ranks, widely favoured as nominal parents? I have collected three different reasons from my field interviews. First, I was told that it is because people believe the natural objects have special protective power over children; that is, they are, according to Chinese tradition, functionally believed to be guardians of children (cf. Graham 1936:60). The second reason is that people believe that the stones and trees are so physically strong that people hope their children might grow as strong as them. In other words, people have the notion that the strength of the bodies of the nominal parents will also be extended to their nominal children. Eberhard relates some similar cults in
The third reason is somewhat different from the previous two. I was told that in
V. Why Some are not Favoured as Nominal Parents:
Among the 61 stone deities under this study, 35 deities do not nominally adopt children. Among the 39 tree deities under study here, 20 deities do not nominally adopt children. I find that there are at least five factors according to which these deities do not nominally adopt children. The first factor is that some are newly apotheosised.
In chapter Five, I argue that trees that grow giant and are located beside popular temples are susceptible to deification. The Tree God of Tho.-sian Ward (#T15; see figure 80); the Tree God of Sin-hong Ward (#T17; see figure 82); the Tree God of Khe- te (#T21; see figure 87); and the Tree God of Chheng-bek Ward (#T32; see figure 98) are all newly deified because they have grown giant in recent decades. The stone Turtle of
The second reason some stone and tree deities take no nominal adoption is that they are located beside deities which are popular for adopting children. A typical example is the Stone Grandfather of
The third factor is that some stone and tree deities are connected with "negative energy" (Yin). As I have mentioned in Chapter Two, at least since the late Zhou period (fourth century BCE.), Chinese have believed that there are two opposing but interrelated active energies in the world (cf. Paper 1990:27). Ideally, the positive and negative energies are not necessarily good-evil; both are valuable and necessary aspects of the unity of nature. In other words, they are opposites, but not opponents. They blend into one another. They are the alternating aspects of nature.
However, in the practice of Chinese popular religion, the "positive energy" symbolises "kindly" and the "negative energy" symbolises "spooky". For instance, the Tree God of
The fourth reason some stone and tree deities are not suitable parents for nominal adoption is that they are treated as the Land God.(note.13) In Chapter Three I already explained that the Land God can be represented by a stone or tree and without any statue. He is traditionally regarded as the guardian of land, of community, of wandering souls. As a minor deity with little power or as the God identified as the Earth Governor (Houtu; see figure 112) who is heavily involved with wandering souls which I mentioned in Chapter Three, he is regarded as not suitable for being a nominal parent.
The last factor influencing the lack of nominal adoption by some stone and tree deities is that they are too marginal to be found by the public. For example, more than 100 years ago, a resident of
The Divine Stone of
VI. Conclusion:
So far, we may distinguish three general types of guardians of children: 1, the higher-ranking deities, 2, goddesses and fortunate women, and 3, the Stone God and the Tree God. The reason that the higher-ranking deities are favoured to be guardians is because they are bureaucratically powerful; they can easily protect children from any harm of malicious spirits. Goddesses and fortunate women, on the other hand, are favoured because of their maternal nature. What, then, can be the reason that the Stone God and the Tree God, who belong to the lower ranks and thus have little hierarchical power, are widely favoured as nominal parents? Because people hope their children might grow as strong as the Stone God and as big as the Tree God, or they can bear the children's unfortunate destiny. I assert that the natural objects can serve children, at least, because their intrinsic appearance of physical strength, no matter whether they were orignially deified because of performing miracles or of unusual origins etc. (see also Appendix).
This view is further supported by a comparison of the different patterns of the amulets worn by adopted children. We notice that in order to engage her/his protection, the higher- ranking gods usually bestow a sack containing a talisman, a bit of incense ash, and/or a picture of the god serving as an amulet hung on red silk thread. The amulets given by other deities might be an ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. I was told that the reason that coins of imperial times are preferred for such amulets is the coins are engraved with the eras of the emperors which themselves are authoritative and thus can reinforce the power to ward off evil spirits. Recently, since imperial coins are no longer issued, silver medallions or luck medallions prepared by some well- financed temples are used instead.(note.15)
However, the amulets of the Stone God and the Tree God are unique. I was told by the believers of the Stone God that it is better to fasten a small stone picked from the surroundings of the Stone God together with the sack, ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. The amulet of the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 78) is hung, in addition to an ancient coin, with a small branch taken from the divine tree. Yuan Chang-rue (1993:10) also reports that in some places of
In addition, from the three main reasons that these natural objects are favoured to be nominal parents and the five factors that keep them from adopting children, we realise that there is a division of labour, or a functional differentiation, among popular deities. Each deity, theoretically, has designated a specific duty or function for the purpose of helping and assisting people and, thus, is not omnipotent.(note.16) The Land God, for instance, because not designated for the specific duty of adopting children, is not favoured for the nominal adoption. On the contrary, the Stone God and the Tree God, who are traditionally regarded as guardians of children, are favoured as nominal parents.
However, I think the Stone God who is functionally divided into nominal adoption is not accidental. As described in Chapter Two, the connection of divine stones with fertilizing capability had been in existence from ancient times. We see the Stone Monkey was said to be developed out of a stone egg impregnated by Heaven and Earth. Besides, there are many life-giving stones recorded in Chinese classics. In modern Hong Kong Island and the New Territories there are stones still worshipped by engaged couples for the perpetuation of the clan, that is, for birth-giving. In the field work of
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(note.1)
Yuan Chang-rue translates the Taiwanese term "kin-ki-jiok" physically weak (1993:4). However, I think the term "kin-ki-jiok" not only means physically weak, but also spiritually weak. Therefore, I literally translate it "fundamentally weak".
(note.2)
Chinese believe that the span of each human life is decided by "S- bing (the Overseer or Controller of Fate)". For details of the belief, please see Robert Chard (1993).
(note.3)
However, the establishment of nominal kin relationships is not always passive; it may also be established out of gratitude to a deity and/or a person who helped a child recover from illness (see also Potter 1974).
(note.4)
Besides fortunate women, Topley (1974:244) tells us that, in
(note.5)
Maspero (1981:118) reports to us that in some places of
(note.6)
They are: the Stone Goddess of Pak-biau Ward (#S1; see figure 1); the Stone Goddess of Ka-seng Ward (#S2; see figure 2); the Stone Goddess of Lek-biau Ward (#S4; see figure 4); the Stone Buddha of Uan-lim Town (#S5); see figure 5; the Stone God of Sia-thau Rural- town (#S6; see figure 6); the Stone God of Kim-eng Ward (#S7); the Stone General of Tan-khe Rural-town (#S8); the Stone Divine Grandfather of Pat-po Village (#S9); the Emperor of Six Areas of Tan-suan Rural-town (#S10); the Stone God of Jin-ho Village (#S11; see figure 11); the Stone God of Kang-khau Ward (#S14; see figure 14); the Stone God of Ka-lo Ward (#S18; see figure 18); the Stone God of Tho.-sian Ward (#S20; see figure 20); the Stone God of Sion- lim Ward (#S33; see figure 35); the Stone God of Ka-ho Ward (#S36; see figure 38); the Stone God of Hi-ti Rural-town (#S37; see figure 39); the Literate and Militant Emperor of Po.-ho Village (#S38; see figure 40); the Grandfather of Yellow Stone of Lai-o. District (#S43; see figure 45); the Stone God of Pe-hun Ward (#S44; see figures 46 & 47); the stone Granny of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S45; see figure 48); the Wind-moving Stone of Bak-sa District (#S48; see figure 51); the Stone God of Su-Lim District (#S50; see figures 53 & 54); the Stone God of Pat-li Rural-town (#S52; see figures 56 & 57); the Stone God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S55; see figure 60); the Stone God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S58; see figure 63); the Stone God of
(note.7)
They are: the Pine King of Chong-ui Rural-town (#T2; see figure 67); the Tree God of Peng-ho Ward (#T3; see figure 68); the Tree God of Thau-hun Village (#T4; see figure 69); the Tree God of Siong-tek Village (#T5; see figure 70); the Tree God and Goddess of Kui-sin Village (#T7; see figure 72); the Tree God of Kang-khau Ward (#T8; see figure 73); the Tree God of Tiong-san Ward (#T9; see figure 74); the Banyan Grandfather of Ka-lo Ward (#T13; see figure 78); the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 79); the Divine Tree of Pen-teng Ward (#T19; see figure 84); the Tree God of Cho.- su Lane (#T22; see figure 88); the Tree God of Uan-chip Road (#T23; see figure 89); the Tree God of Ho-peng Ward (#T26; see figure 92); the Banyan Tree Goddess of Thong-liang Village (#T27; see figure 93); the Tree God of Chap-ji Field (#T28; see figure 94); the Tree King of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T30; see figure 96); the Tree God of Po-san Ward (#T31; see figure 97); the Tree God of Lam-huin Ward (#T37); the Tree King of Tai-li Rural-town (#T39; see figure 105) (see also Appendix).
(note.8)
In addition, he (1993:
Adoption Agreement:
Where at address of (No.), Lane (No.), Sec. (No.) of certain Hsiang of certain Hsien, Taiwan, R.O.C., your humble disciple does hereby pray with the utmost sincerity and devotion that my son/daughter who has been since his/her birth suffering poor health, now I am asking you, the merciful Shu Wang Kung, to accept him/her as your adopted son/daughter, from now on may your blessings be the guarantee of his/her health, so he/she could grow up always in peace without suffering any attacks by the diseases, and your great favour shall be always remembered by it. (Date of the prayer made.)
(note.9)
Not only in
(note.10)
The actual hierarchy is not important in practice, since religious activity is focused upon a deity's local cult and the deities are seldom pitted against each other (Cohen 1987:291).
(note.11)
In
(note.12)
However, the Tree God of Ho-peng Ward (#T26; see figure 92) is an exception. Even though located beside a Tai-chiong-ia temple, the Tree God adopts many children. I believe that this Tree God located beside a spooky spirit with negative energy can be worshipped as a nominal parent is because he performed a great miracle (cf. Chapter Four).
(note.13)
Therefore, the stone Land God of Pei-go Village (#S12; see figure 12); the stone Land God of Tua-un Village (#S13; see figure 13); the stone Land God of Chhen-the Lane (#S21; see figures 21 & 22); the stone Land God of San-tiau Hill (#S23; see figure 25); the stone Land God of E-kham-te Hamlet (#S25; see figure 27); the stone Land God of E-huan Field (#S28; see figure 30); the stone Land God of Sin-hong Ward (#S29; see figure 31); the stone Land God of Chui- bue-a Hamlet (#S30; see figure 32); the stone Land God of Ai-liau Hamlet (#S31; see figure 33); the stone Land God of Phek-chiu Ward (#S32; see figure 34); the stone Land God of Chhien-kah Ward (#S39; see figure 41); the stone Land God of Tong-an Street (#S42; see figure 44); the stone Land God of Tua-kham Village (#S51; see figure 55); the stone Land God of Tiang-ken Village (#S53; see figure 58); the stone Land God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S54; see figure 59); the stone Land God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S61; see figure 65); the tree Land God of In-suan Street (#T11; see figure 76); the tree Land God of the East Gate (#T12; see figure 77) and the tree Land God of Pak-li Rural-town (#T35; see figure 102) do not adopt children (see also Appendix).
(note.14)
However, I am still not sure why the Stone God of Ka-hin Ward (#S35; see figure 37); the First Divine Patriarch of Chiang-chiu District of Chiam-teng Hamlet (#S49; see figure 52); the General Chu of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T29; see figure 95); the Stone God of Tiong-guan Ward (#S19; see figure 19); the Stone God of Sin-hong Ward (#S27; see figure 29); the White Crane Immortal of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S46; see figure 49); the Stone God of Pak-tau District (#S47; see figure 50); the Beech Grandfather of Pak-si Ward (#T16; see figure 81); the Tree God of Gue-bai Hamlet (#T20; see figure 86); and the Autumn Maple God of Lam-kang District (#T33; see figure 99) do not adopt children (see also Appendix).
(note.15)
Yuan Chang-rue (1993:13) says that in
(note.16)