Saturday 9 February 2008

Chapter Six: Nominal Adoption and the Three Deities

I. Introduction:

When traditional Taiwanese think of stone and tree deities, they think of nominal adoption of unhealthy children. Indeed, the most distinctive role these deities play in traditional Taiwanese society is that they are guardians of children. As soon as a child is found "fundamentally weak", s/he will be taken to be nominally adopted either by a deity or a respectable woman. Among these deities who act as nominal parents, the Stone God and the Tree God are particular and worthy of study. According to my field research, almost half of the natural objects I studied are connected with the religious custom of nominal adoption. In this chapter, I shall first portray two religious customs relating to nominal adoption. I shall then analyse why some of the natural objects, among others, are favoured to be nominal parents. I also discuss the reasons some deities are thought unsuitable for nominal adoption. Finally, I shall argue why these deities are distinctive among other guardians of children.

II. Nominal Adoption and "Taking Water and Rice":

Chinese culture seriously asks every family to have descendants. Mencius, one of the most respectable philosophers, says: "There are three things which are unfilial, and having no progeny is the worst of these" (Mencius, IV. i. 26). However, it is not an easy task to raise a baby. Many biological and emotional difficulties can be anticipated in the period immediately following the birth of a child. The new born baby might refuse to nurse and gain little weight; it may also have a variety of disorders. J. M. Potter (1974), after doing research on Cantonese villages, reports that Cantonese:

... attribute most children's illnesses to soul loss. The souls of small children are loosely attached, and are easily frightened out of the child's body, making the child ill. Or a hungry or malicious ghost may enter a person's body and steal his soul. Usually the ghost holds the soul for ransom, releasing it in return for offerings of food and money. Sometimes the assistance of deities and spirit soldiers is needed to force a powerful and determined ghost to release a kidnapped soul. Intrusion of a ghost into a person's body is a third possible cause of illness. Because children are such easy prey for malicious spirits, sick children constitute most of the spirit medium's case-load.

Taiwanese generally believe that a child who is "kin-ki-jiok (literally, fundamentally weak)" is susceptible to getting sick and not expected to live very long, unless his/her fate is modified. (note.1)The child's souls, thus, are loosely attached, and are easily frightened out of the child's body by malicious spirits, making the child ill. It is called "phah tio kian" (being frightened). For the unhealthy (and unfortunate) child, both the medical treatment and the assistance of deities to ward off the evil spirits are needed, hence the saying: "Man ai sin, man ai lang (both person and deity are needed)".

Even though some children are fated to be fundamentally weak, pure fatalism, in the sense of passively allowing the world to work its own way, is not triumphal in Taiwan. (note.2)There is instead a keen interest in foreseeing and modifying fate, because if the course of events can be foreseen, one's life can then be aligned with the direction of fate. It is better to be prepared and go with the current in order to maximize the good of life and minimize the hardship. Consequently, there are numerous forms of divination to deal with fate, from consulting spiritual mediums to drawing lots and oracle verses. There are also various ways to change or amend one's fate through the selection of an auspicious name, by seeking the intervention of a powerful deity, or nominal adoption by a person with fortunes or a deity with spiritual protective power (cf. Cohen 1987:290).

Indeed, if a child is physically or in any way manifestly abnormal, medical treatment is required. But if it is not so obvious, the child's parent might ask the elders of the neighbourhood for advice or go to the market town to consult a fortune-teller or shaman. If told that the child is not fortunate, namely, if the child is declared to be "fundamentally weak", the senior relative, elder of neighbourhood or fortune- teller consulted will recommend the establishment of a protective nominal kinship relation with a person or deity.

An easy and popular means to amend the baby's fate is to establish a kin relationship, known to the Taiwanese as "siu kheh-kian (literally, nominally adopting a child)", with a person or deity.(note.3) Usually a respectable woman who has raised many children to maturity, known to Taiwanese as "ho-mia-po (literally, fortunate woman), and whose husband, too, is lucky and prosperous, is considered suitable for the nominal adoption. The adoption between the "fundamentally weak" child and a person with fortunes, however, is purely nominal. It is not guaranteed by an official contract and gives no right to a material inheritance. The practice is based on the notion that the luck and, thus, the protective power of the nominal parents will be extended to their nominal children. (note.4)

However, certain basic obligations are incurred; the child should visit the nominal mother on all occasions when Chinese visit paternal kin and should come armed with gifts (cf. Topley 1974:244). In Yilan County of Taiwan, the custom of nominal adoption is specifically called "Kuan-chui-bi (literally, taking water and rice). Once the nominal adoption is agreed by the child's family and the respectable woman, the child's parent/s goes to the fortunate woman's home with the child and takes some water and rice home. When the act is repeated three times, the rite of "Kuan-chui-bi" is complete. The relation of nominal adoption is also recognised from that time on.

Traditionally, the custom of "Kuan-chui-bi" is practised only when the nominal parent is a person and not a deity. However, a temple named "Te-bo Bio (Temple of the Earth Mother) In Yilan County is an exception. The Earth Mother of the temple, like many other Chinese goddesses, nominally adopts children. But the custom of nominal adoption is also "Kuan-chui-bi". I was told that any "fundamentally weak" child can come to the temple to ask goddess to grant nominal adoption. The grant is confirmed by divination of the moonblocks. If the Earth Mother agrees to adopt the weak child, the child's parent should come to the temple three consecutive times on the first day and fifteenth day of each month to take home a small amount of water and rice offered by the temple and cook them to feed the child. The water and rice are regarded as having magical power to improve the child's health. I am not sure why only this goddess's temple practises the custom of "Kuan-chui-bi", but it is probably because people consider the goddess to be more merciful than male deities who are usually regarded as bureaucrats.

III. Nominal Adoption and "Wearing the Amulet"

The same rationale applies when the nominal parent, either male or female, is a deity. In Taiwan, a child who is "fundamentally weak" may be nominally adopted to almost any deity with great protective power. But the following deities are popular for the nominal adoption: the Stone God, the Tree God, the Bed Goddess, the Seven Star Goddesses, Guanyin (Koan-im-man ,Female Buddhisava), the Granny, or the Earth Mother (Te-bo) and some others. (note.5)Among the 61 stone deities I studied, 26 deities nominally adopt children.(note.6) Among the 39 tree deities, 19 deities adopt children.(note.7)

Traditionally, once a baby has reached its "muan-gue(i.e. a full month old)" but is regarded as "fundamentally weak", its parents will take it to a temple to worship the Stone God, the Tree God or other deities, if they prefer their baby to be adopted by a deity instead of a person, in order to engage her/his divine protection. During worship, an ancient coin, silver medallion, or medallion is hung on red silk thread, passed over the incense burner, and is worn on the neck of the child as an amulet. The rite is called "Kuan-kuin (Wearing the Amulet)". Yuan Chang-rue reports us a formal rite from a temple of a tree god of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T30; see figure 96):

Starting from October 12 each year, people would bring their child suffering bad health here to worship the big tree and ask it to adopt their child. The tree is referred to as Shu Wang Kung (The Master King of Big Tree). The tree is warded with brick walls, and under it is an altar for incense burning. The adoption ceremony includes the signing of an adoption agreement. And people have to pay NT$ 200 as deed tax. The deed itself is a paper card of 26.5 x 19.5 cm with four of its corners printed with Chinese character "Ho Chia Ping An", meaning that "May all the members of the family live in peace and Harmony". ... Each deed is given with a serial number, and when completed by the clerk of the temple, is then placed upon a table. When the evening comes, a red capped priest would read them one by one before they are burnt, a final touch indicating that the adoption is formally constituted. In the process of the ceremony, parents are required to have the "Kuan Tai", a coin threaded with a red string, given free by the temple, to wear on the chest of the kid to symbolise that Shu Wang Kung from now on will be with the child all the time. Once adopted, the child is required to come back during the four-day birthday of Shu Wang Kung and shall have the Kuan Tai replaced by a new one. The replaced ones shall be hung on the fence encircling the tree. The practice goes on year by year until the child grows up an adult. Over the years, the countless Kuan Tai have been placed all over the place around the tree. It is indeed an amazing scene (Yuan Chang-rue 1993:5).(note.8)

However, most ceremonies of nominal adoption I observed were as simple as I previously described and without any certificate (the Adoption Agreement) or the assistance of a priest.

The Stone God and the Tree God who have become the nominal parent must be worshipped with offerings of incense, spirit money and food regularly, especially at the deity's birthday. On that day, the red silk thread which hangs the amulet must be taken off to be renewed with a new silk thread. Again the amulet with new thread is passed over the incense burner and worn on the neck of the child. The practice is called "Uan-kuin (Renewing the Amulet)".

Moreover, the relationship of nominal adoption lasts, theoretically at least, until the age of sixteen, that is, to adulthood according to Chinese culture. The child must go to her/his nominal parent's temple at its birthday and thank the deity for her/his protection over the sixteen years and return the amulet in front of the deity. The custom is called "Thui-kuin (Taking off the Amulet)" (cf. Topley 1974:243; Wei & Coutanceau 1976:66f). (note.9)

If the child's nominal parent is "the Seven Star goddess" ("Chhit-niu-ma") instead of the Stone God or the Tree God, a rite called "Leaving the House of the Seven Star goddess" is to be performed in addition to the "wearing the amulet".

... offerings are made of daphenes, cockscomb, white jasmine, tree orchids, balsam flowers, and other sweet- scented blossoms. Besides these are offered fruits, white flour, common flowers, glutinous rice mixed with hemp oil, wine and chicken, various types of meat, and strangely enough, lipstick. If there are adults in the family, during an impressive ceremony special offerings are made of Chang, noodles and a "chhit-niu-ma pavilion" -an effigy made of paper, over two feet high, to represent the goddess' home. After the ceremony the family burns gold money, and money on which is printed the picture of clothes; at the same time the paper pavilion is set aflame, a catastrophe surely to anyone appreciative of the construction's intricacy and attention to detail! (Wei & Coutanceau 1976:67f)

The observance in Fuzhou is also noteworthy. The harvest festival, celebrated from the eleventh to the fifteen day of the eighth lunar month, is an occasion for people worship the Seven Star Goddess.

A four sided rice measure with some rice in the bottom is placed on a table in the front of the reception room or in the open court. In it are put ten pairs of chopsticks and images which represent the children of the family. These are about six inches to a foot high, often consisting of a stick of wood with the features painted on it. If the child dies they are placed in the coffin. After the age of sixteen these images are discarded. If the family is in good circumstances a priest is invited to recite incantations. At a certain point in the ceremony the head of the family and the children kneel and worship before this altar. This will prevent them from succumbing to disease, and will ensure long life. Congee made of the rice in the bottom of the measure prolongs life (Hodous 1929:179-80).

The rite of "Leaving the House of the Seven Star Goddess", discarding a stick of images in Fuzhou, and "Taking off the Amulet," all reflect the fact that from that time on the child has reached adulthood, thus leaving the deity's intimate protection. The rite can also be regarded as a puberty rite in Chinese society.

IV. Why They are Favoured as Nominal Parents:

According to analyses by certain field researchers (Feuchtwang 1974b; Wolf 1974), the supernatural world in Chinese popular religion is divided into three categories, that is, gods, ancestors and ghosts. Moreover, because the supernatural world is anthropomorphised as we said in Chapter Four, the category of gods is arranged in a bureaucratic structure. Although the bureaucratic structure differs according to the period and viewpoints of the worshippers, people generally agree that the bureaucratic hierarchy can be divided into three levels: the higher-ranking, the middle-ranking and the lower-ranking. (note.10)In various ritual practices and myths it is depicted as a bureaucratic organisation similar to that of the Chinese imperial government (Cohen 1987:291), despite the latter's demise more than eighty years ago. For example, the Jade Emperor and Emperor Guan and Hian-ten Emperor, Guanyin (the Goddess of Mercy), the Granny, the Royal Lords, and the Eternal Mother are bureaucratically very powerful and are classified as higher- ranking (cf. Yu Chun-fang: 1990). They were apotheosised and elevated because of their ethics or morality (cf. Wolf 1974:140f). Obviously, the elevation of them could not have occurred without state and the elite intervention (cf. Watson 1985:323). The Near Water Goddess, the Bed Goddess and the Seven- star Goddess and others belong to the middle-rank. The Tiger God, the Tree Deities, the Land Deities, the Toilet Deity and Stone Deities are in the lower-ranking classification (cf. Ahern 1985:281-2).

Because they are believed to have great protective power, most higher-ranking deities nominally adopt children. Once a child is adopted by a higher-ranking god, a sack containing a talisman, a bit of incense ash, and/or a picture of the god serving together as an amulet is hung on red silk thread which should be worn on the child's neck. However, although belonging to the middle-ranking class, some goddesses are sometimes preferred by people as nominal parents. I hypothesise that the maternal nature of these goddesses overcomes the importance of the bureaucratic hierarchy as a determining factor. The fact that the Earth Mother, the Granny, the Near Water Goddess, the Bed Goddess and the Seven-star Goddess and others adopt innumerable nominal children proves my hypothesis.(note.11)

The deities classified as lower-ranking, such as the Tiger God, the Land Deities, the Toilet Deity, since they are considered as having only little power, rarely have any nominal children. Why, then, are the Stone and Tree God, despite belonging to the lower-ranks, widely favoured as nominal parents? I have collected three different reasons from my field interviews. First, I was told that it is because people believe the natural objects have special protective power over children; that is, they are, according to Chinese tradition, functionally believed to be guardians of children (cf. Graham 1936:60). The second reason is that people believe that the stones and trees are so physically strong that people hope their children might grow as strong as them. In other words, people have the notion that the strength of the bodies of the nominal parents will also be extended to their nominal children. Eberhard relates some similar cults in South China (1970:21-23); the believers there also hope that the nominal children can be as strong as the tree deities. Furthermore, Yuan Chang-rue's field research (1993:4) in South Taiwan also confirms the idea.

The third reason is somewhat different from the previous two. I was told that in Taiwan Hakka people believe that any "fundamentally weak" child is susceptible to dying, unless its parent/s take him/her to be adopted. The adoption can be real or only nominal. If it is nominal, a tree, because it is easy to find, is preferred. When the child's parent chooses a proper tree, he/she ties a red silk thread on the trunk or a branch of the tree and names it the nominal parent of his/her child. Thus, people believe that the child will grow up healthily and the tree will die very soon; it dies for its nominal child. That is, it serves as the scapegoat of the child. For this reason, the tree that people choose cannot be too small to bear the child's unfortunate destiny. Therefore, any big tree is susceptible to becoming the nominal parent. If it does not die, people will think it possesses a magical power and deify it.

V. Why Some are not Favoured as Nominal Parents:

Among the 61 stone deities under this study, 35 deities do not nominally adopt children. Among the 39 tree deities under study here, 20 deities do not nominally adopt children. I find that there are at least five factors according to which these deities do not nominally adopt children. The first factor is that some are newly apotheosised.

In chapter Five, I argue that trees that grow giant and are located beside popular temples are susceptible to deification. The Tree God of Tho.-sian Ward (#T15; see figure 80); the Tree God of Sin-hong Ward (#T17; see figure 82); the Tree God of Khe- te (#T21; see figure 87); and the Tree God of Chheng-bek Ward (#T32; see figure 98) are all newly deified because they have grown giant in recent decades. The stone Turtle of Ken-ki Road (#S56; see figure 61), because of the unusual appearance, and because it has been found in recent decades, has also been newly deified. Moreover, since the prevalence of the Lottery gambling in recent decades, and the Stone and Tree deities have become patron deities of gambling, the Stone God of Ho-peng Ward (#S15; see figure 15); the stone Granny of Ho-peng Ward (#S16; see figure 16); the Stone God of Khe-te Hamlet (#S34; see figure 36); the Tree God of Kim-bin Ward (#T6; see figure 71); and the Tree God of So.-o Urban-town (#T10; see figure 75) are all deified by gamblers. In spite of being deified, because the religious custom that the Stone and Tree Deities nominally adopt unfortunate children has declined in these decades, these newly deified stones and trees do not serve as nominal parents.

The second reason some stone and tree deities take no nominal adoption is that they are located beside deities which are popular for adopting children. A typical example is the Stone Grandfather of Biau-liek City (#S3). The deity is the associate god of the Stone Goddess of Ka-seng Ward (#S2) which is prestigious for adopting children. Although the Stone Grandfather is set beside the Stone Mother as a couple, he does not take any nominal children. I was told that it is because it is enough to be nominally adopted by the Stone Goddess and the Stone Grandfather is only her associate god. Similarly, The Tree God of Uan-lim Town (#T1; see figure 66) is worshipped beside the Stone Buddha of Uan-lim Town (#S5; see figure 5); the Banyan God of Sion-lim Ward (#T18; see figure 83) is worshipped beside the Stone God of Sion-lim Ward (#S33; see figure 35); the Tree God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#T38; see figure 104) is worshipped beside the Stone God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S58; see figure 63), so they do not adopt any children.

The third factor is that some stone and tree deities are connected with "negative energy" (Yin). As I have mentioned in Chapter Two, at least since the late Zhou period (fourth century BCE.), Chinese have believed that there are two opposing but interrelated active energies in the world (cf. Paper 1990:27). Ideally, the positive and negative energies are not necessarily good-evil; both are valuable and necessary aspects of the unity of nature. In other words, they are opposites, but not opponents. They blend into one another. They are the alternating aspects of nature.

However, in the practice of Chinese popular religion, the "positive energy" symbolises "kindly" and the "negative energy" symbolises "spooky". For instance, the Tree God of Chhau-lian Lane (#T25; see figure 91) is worshipped with a small censer beside a small Tai-chiong-ia (the enshrined posthumous bones, a kind of responsive deity) temple. Tai-chiong-ia is traditionally regarded as a spirit with heavy negative energy and is thus rather spooky. Therefore, only a few people on some specific occasions access the place and worship the tree and Tai-chiong- ia. I think that because villagers avoid coming to the site, the tree is not asked for nominal adoption. The second example is the Tree God of Lam-kian West Road (#T34; see figure 101). I was told that originally people living in the area collected unworshipped bones and deposited them beneath a big tree to worship. Later on, after the tree and bones performed some miracles, people initiated a temple of the Land God to worship. Ten years ago, they built a smaller temple beside the Land God temple and engraved a tablet for the Tree God. However, it does not take nominal children. I think it is because people are afraid of the bones beneath the tree which is connected with the negative energy. Moreover, the stone Good Brothers of Bah-tau Hamlet (#S22; see figure 23); the stone Good Brothers of San-tiau Hill (#S24; see figure 26); the stone Good Brothers of E-kham-te Hamlet (#S26; see figure 28) and the Stone God of Tham-te Ward (#S57; see figure 62) are themselves spirits with the negative energy, it is quite natural that they are not asked to adopt children.(note.12)

The fourth reason some stone and tree deities are not suitable parents for nominal adoption is that they are treated as the Land God.(note.13) In Chapter Three I already explained that the Land God can be represented by a stone or tree and without any statue. He is traditionally regarded as the guardian of land, of community, of wandering souls. As a minor deity with little power or as the God identified as the Earth Governor (Houtu; see figure 112) who is heavily involved with wandering souls which I mentioned in Chapter Three, he is regarded as not suitable for being a nominal parent.

The last factor influencing the lack of nominal adoption by some stone and tree deities is that they are too marginal to be found by the public. For example, more than 100 years ago, a resident of Tek-san Town of Lam-tau County dug a foundation for his new house and unearthed a stone with human appearance. The villagers considered the stone divine and deified it as the Stone God of Tek-san Town (#S17; see figure 17) and worship him as an associate god in Chi-lam Kiong (literally, the Purple South Palace). In spite of the fact that the Land God Temple has thousands of devotees, they seem not pay any attention to the Stone God which is set in a marginal place.

The Divine Stone of Giong-tek Boulevard (#S41; see figure 43) is located beside the beginning (and the end) of Giong-tek Highway, a main road leading to the Grass Mountain. The site is often covered with grasses and only a few neighbours of the stone know the location. Therefore nobody asks for nominal adoption. The Tree God of Lo-chui Village (#T24; see figure 90) has been venerated for more than 100 years. Only a few local residents worship it with some incense sticks. Naturally, it has no nominal children. The Grandfather of the Ancient Temple of An-lam District (#S40; see figure 42) is worshipped on the family altar of Mr. Phuan Hong-guan, a Chinese pharmacist. Only his friends and neighbours know that there is a stone deity here and thus it adopts no children. The Elderly Tree of Pak-li Rural-town (#T36; see figure 103); is located in a small hamlet consisting of about four households. Only a few people know that the tree is worshipped. Therefore, it adopts no children.(note.14)

VI. Conclusion:

So far, we may distinguish three general types of guardians of children: 1, the higher-ranking deities, 2, goddesses and fortunate women, and 3, the Stone God and the Tree God. The reason that the higher-ranking deities are favoured to be guardians is because they are bureaucratically powerful; they can easily protect children from any harm of malicious spirits. Goddesses and fortunate women, on the other hand, are favoured because of their maternal nature. What, then, can be the reason that the Stone God and the Tree God, who belong to the lower ranks and thus have little hierarchical power, are widely favoured as nominal parents? Because people hope their children might grow as strong as the Stone God and as big as the Tree God, or they can bear the children's unfortunate destiny. I assert that the natural objects can serve children, at least, because their intrinsic appearance of physical strength, no matter whether they were orignially deified because of performing miracles or of unusual origins etc. (see also Appendix).

This view is further supported by a comparison of the different patterns of the amulets worn by adopted children. We notice that in order to engage her/his protection, the higher- ranking gods usually bestow a sack containing a talisman, a bit of incense ash, and/or a picture of the god serving as an amulet hung on red silk thread. The amulets given by other deities might be an ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. I was told that the reason that coins of imperial times are preferred for such amulets is the coins are engraved with the eras of the emperors which themselves are authoritative and thus can reinforce the power to ward off evil spirits. Recently, since imperial coins are no longer issued, silver medallions or luck medallions prepared by some well- financed temples are used instead.(note.15)

However, the amulets of the Stone God and the Tree God are unique. I was told by the believers of the Stone God that it is better to fasten a small stone picked from the surroundings of the Stone God together with the sack, ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. The amulet of the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 78) is hung, in addition to an ancient coin, with a small branch taken from the divine tree. Yuan Chang-rue (1993:10) also reports that in some places of Taiwan, if the nominal parent is the Tree God, a leaf of the divine tree is hung together with the coin as an amulet. Furthermore, Eberhard (1970:21f) records that the bark of a divine tree serving as a "adopted father" in China was removed in many places to put in the children's clothes to make them stronger. In brief, although with little hierarchical power, the deities can still serve children with intrinsic appearance of physical strength which is direct and concrete.

In addition, from the three main reasons that these natural objects are favoured to be nominal parents and the five factors that keep them from adopting children, we realise that there is a division of labour, or a functional differentiation, among popular deities. Each deity, theoretically, has designated a specific duty or function for the purpose of helping and assisting people and, thus, is not omnipotent.(note.16) The Land God, for instance, because not designated for the specific duty of adopting children, is not favoured for the nominal adoption. On the contrary, the Stone God and the Tree God, who are traditionally regarded as guardians of children, are favoured as nominal parents.

However, I think the Stone God who is functionally divided into nominal adoption is not accidental. As described in Chapter Two, the connection of divine stones with fertilizing capability had been in existence from ancient times. We see the Stone Monkey was said to be developed out of a stone egg impregnated by Heaven and Earth. Besides, there are many life-giving stones recorded in Chinese classics. In modern Hong Kong Island and the New Territories there are stones still worshipped by engaged couples for the perpetuation of the clan, that is, for birth-giving. In the field work of Taiwan, I did not find any stone with obvious life-giving function. But the stones with nominal adoption might be a functional extension of the life-giving stones.

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(note.1)

Yuan Chang-rue translates the Taiwanese term "kin-ki-jiok" physically weak (1993:4). However, I think the term "kin-ki-jiok" not only means physically weak, but also spiritually weak. Therefore, I literally translate it "fundamentally weak".

(note.2)

Chinese believe that the span of each human life is decided by "S- bing (the Overseer or Controller of Fate)". For details of the belief, please see Robert Chard (1993).

(note.3)

However, the establishment of nominal kin relationships is not always passive; it may also be established out of gratitude to a deity and/or a person who helped a child recover from illness (see also Potter 1974).

(note.4)

Besides fortunate women, Topley (1974:244) tells us that, in Canton, devout vegetarians, usually women who are childless and may be rich or poor, are also considered suitable for nominal adoption. It is said that they can improve the adopted child's destiny.

(note.5)

Maspero (1981:118) reports to us that in some places of China, the Bed God and Goddess are also considered as guardians of children. Young married people, upon entering the marriage chamber, prostrate themselves in honour to the pair of deities. It is ordinarily the bed itself which is addressed; but sometimes a picture is hung up, in which they are represented sitting side by side, in official costume, with their tablets of rank in their hands. The young couple, especially when with children, worship the guardians with cakes, fruits, tea and wine on the last day of the year, or on the day after the full moon in the first month, the day after the Lantern Festival.

(note.6)

They are: the Stone Goddess of Pak-biau Ward (#S1; see figure 1); the Stone Goddess of Ka-seng Ward (#S2; see figure 2); the Stone Goddess of Lek-biau Ward (#S4; see figure 4); the Stone Buddha of Uan-lim Town (#S5); see figure 5; the Stone God of Sia-thau Rural- town (#S6; see figure 6); the Stone God of Kim-eng Ward (#S7); the Stone General of Tan-khe Rural-town (#S8); the Stone Divine Grandfather of Pat-po Village (#S9); the Emperor of Six Areas of Tan-suan Rural-town (#S10); the Stone God of Jin-ho Village (#S11; see figure 11); the Stone God of Kang-khau Ward (#S14; see figure 14); the Stone God of Ka-lo Ward (#S18; see figure 18); the Stone God of Tho.-sian Ward (#S20; see figure 20); the Stone God of Sion- lim Ward (#S33; see figure 35); the Stone God of Ka-ho Ward (#S36; see figure 38); the Stone God of Hi-ti Rural-town (#S37; see figure 39); the Literate and Militant Emperor of Po.-ho Village (#S38; see figure 40); the Grandfather of Yellow Stone of Lai-o. District (#S43; see figure 45); the Stone God of Pe-hun Ward (#S44; see figures 46 & 47); the stone Granny of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S45; see figure 48); the Wind-moving Stone of Bak-sa District (#S48; see figure 51); the Stone God of Su-Lim District (#S50; see figures 53 & 54); the Stone God of Pat-li Rural-town (#S52; see figures 56 & 57); the Stone God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S55; see figure 60); the Stone God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S58; see figure 63); the Stone God of Tang-si Town (#S59); the Stone God of Hong-guan City (#S60; see figure 64) (see also Appendix).

(note.7)

They are: the Pine King of Chong-ui Rural-town (#T2; see figure 67); the Tree God of Peng-ho Ward (#T3; see figure 68); the Tree God of Thau-hun Village (#T4; see figure 69); the Tree God of Siong-tek Village (#T5; see figure 70); the Tree God and Goddess of Kui-sin Village (#T7; see figure 72); the Tree God of Kang-khau Ward (#T8; see figure 73); the Tree God of Tiong-san Ward (#T9; see figure 74); the Banyan Grandfather of Ka-lo Ward (#T13; see figure 78); the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 79); the Divine Tree of Pen-teng Ward (#T19; see figure 84); the Tree God of Cho.- su Lane (#T22; see figure 88); the Tree God of Uan-chip Road (#T23; see figure 89); the Tree God of Ho-peng Ward (#T26; see figure 92); the Banyan Tree Goddess of Thong-liang Village (#T27; see figure 93); the Tree God of Chap-ji Field (#T28; see figure 94); the Tree King of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T30; see figure 96); the Tree God of Po-san Ward (#T31; see figure 97); the Tree God of Lam-huin Ward (#T37); the Tree King of Tai-li Rural-town (#T39; see figure 105) (see also Appendix).

(note.8)

In addition, he (1993:4f) also translates the contents of an "Adoption Agreement" as follows:

Adoption Agreement:

Where at address of (No.), Lane (No.), Sec. (No.) of certain Hsiang of certain Hsien, Taiwan, R.O.C., your humble disciple does hereby pray with the utmost sincerity and devotion that my son/daughter who has been since his/her birth suffering poor health, now I am asking you, the merciful Shu Wang Kung, to accept him/her as your adopted son/daughter, from now on may your blessings be the guarantee of his/her health, so he/she could grow up always in peace without suffering any attacks by the diseases, and your great favour shall be always remembered by it. (Date of the prayer made.)

(note.9)

Not only in Taiwan, this practice can also be found in Jiangshu and Anhui provinces described by Henry Dore (1987) who worked as a missionary for over twenty years there and be found in Canton reported by J. M. Potter (1974). It can be said that this practice is universal in the Chinese world.

(note.10)

The actual hierarchy is not important in practice, since religious activity is focused upon a deity's local cult and the deities are seldom pitted against each other (Cohen 1987:291).

(note.11)

In Taiwan, most venerated natural objects are considered as male. However, three divine stones are worshipped as goddesses and adopt children. I think that it is also based on the notion of maternal nature so that they are treated as female. They are: the Stone Goddess of Pak-biau Ward (#S1; see figure 1), the Stone Goddess of Ka-seng Ward (#S2; see figure 2) and the Stone Goddess of Lek-biau Ward (#S4; see figure 4).

(note.12)

However, the Tree God of Ho-peng Ward (#T26; see figure 92) is an exception. Even though located beside a Tai-chiong-ia temple, the Tree God adopts many children. I believe that this Tree God located beside a spooky spirit with negative energy can be worshipped as a nominal parent is because he performed a great miracle (cf. Chapter Four).

(note.13)

Therefore, the stone Land God of Pei-go Village (#S12; see figure 12); the stone Land God of Tua-un Village (#S13; see figure 13); the stone Land God of Chhen-the Lane (#S21; see figures 21 & 22); the stone Land God of San-tiau Hill (#S23; see figure 25); the stone Land God of E-kham-te Hamlet (#S25; see figure 27); the stone Land God of E-huan Field (#S28; see figure 30); the stone Land God of Sin-hong Ward (#S29; see figure 31); the stone Land God of Chui- bue-a Hamlet (#S30; see figure 32); the stone Land God of Ai-liau Hamlet (#S31; see figure 33); the stone Land God of Phek-chiu Ward (#S32; see figure 34); the stone Land God of Chhien-kah Ward (#S39; see figure 41); the stone Land God of Tong-an Street (#S42; see figure 44); the stone Land God of Tua-kham Village (#S51; see figure 55); the stone Land God of Tiang-ken Village (#S53; see figure 58); the stone Land God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S54; see figure 59); the stone Land God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S61; see figure 65); the tree Land God of In-suan Street (#T11; see figure 76); the tree Land God of the East Gate (#T12; see figure 77) and the tree Land God of Pak-li Rural-town (#T35; see figure 102) do not adopt children (see also Appendix).

(note.14)

However, I am still not sure why the Stone God of Ka-hin Ward (#S35; see figure 37); the First Divine Patriarch of Chiang-chiu District of Chiam-teng Hamlet (#S49; see figure 52); the General Chu of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T29; see figure 95); the Stone God of Tiong-guan Ward (#S19; see figure 19); the Stone God of Sin-hong Ward (#S27; see figure 29); the White Crane Immortal of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S46; see figure 49); the Stone God of Pak-tau District (#S47; see figure 50); the Beech Grandfather of Pak-si Ward (#T16; see figure 81); the Tree God of Gue-bai Hamlet (#T20; see figure 86); and the Autumn Maple God of Lam-kang District (#T33; see figure 99) do not adopt children (see also Appendix).

(note.15)

Yuan Chang-rue (1993:13) says that in Taiwan there are several ancient coins hung on a red silk thread. Based on field work of Jiangshu and Anhui provinces in China, Dore (1987:29) reports that the coin can be one or several. However, the I have never seen more than one coin hung on a red silk thread in Taiwan. It is probably because nowadays ancient coins are less available.

(note.16)

Therefore, the idea that a deity is sometimes powerless for something is accepted without surprise (Wolf 1974:145; Tsai Wen-hui 1979:27).