In Chapters Six, I explained that the Stone and Tree Gods are traditionally considered as the guardians of children. We also found that some of the stones and trees which have been newly deified in these three decades, unlike these with older traditions, do not serve as the nominal parents of unhealthy children. Instead, they are treated as the patron deities of gambling. Moreover, since the rapid social changes in these decades, more and more deities, which were the patron deities of children, have been transforming into the patron deities of gambling.
The influences of the rapid social changes on religions of
To understand these changes, I first introduce the coming of the Nationalist Government to
Next, I depict the divination instruments used by the Bettors to predict the winning numbers of the Lottery. Then I portray the patron deities of the Lottery such as the Good Brothers, Jigong, the Third Prince and the Stone/Tree God. The results of my studies of the divination instruments and the patron deities for the Lottery reveal that the Bettors have an anti-authoritarian tendency. Furthermore, I analyze why in some places the deities get involved in the Lottery while in some places they do not. I conclude that the prevalence of the Lottery, together with the transformation of roles of the deities, can be read, to a certain degree, as a resistance against or even subversion of the contemporary situation of
II. New Dynasty and New Policies:
In 1949, when the Chinese Communists defeated the Nationalist armies on the mainland and assumed control of
The first important policy by the new Government engendering the transformation is the Land Reform, with rent reduction, the distribution of public lands, and the land-to-the-tiller policies being its main components. The traditional landlords, mostly Taiwanese, were compelled to sell land. Hence the Land Reform programme both directly and indirectly eliminated the landowner class and the landlord-tenant relationship as part of the social system, thus eradicating the feudal social structure in rural
As a result of these reforms, the pace of urbanization in
In 1920 only four percent of the people lived in cities with a population of more than a hundred thousand. By the early 1970s and into the 1980s,
The sudden urbanisation had a considerable effect on society. For instance, the family system changed dramatically. Family ties and the authority of family heads decreased in importance. Young men and women sought further independence from parents. Relationships between men and women changed, as did the practice of filial piety. The birthrate dropped. Rural society became much more transient. These change also fostered greater job specialisation and broader opportunities, engendered social equality and reduced social and class barriers, and vastly increased cultural opportunities. We can see the roads are so crammed with vehicles that they can hardly move. Video game halls and prostitutes seem to be an established way of life.
Further on the negative side, it caused social alienation, raised crime rates, weakened the family, and created many new social problems (Copper 1990:43). For example, younger people of the rural areas have to seek jobs in the cities. The income of those who are still actively engaged in agriculture is generally supplemented by nonagricultural wage earnings such as wage labouring, cottage industry knitting, tea processing etc. in nearby factories, or by the younger generation working in the cities (Harrell 1981:127).
The second important policy that influences the religious transformation is the improved medical system. Indeed, the improvement of the medical system has had a drastic effect upon the worship of these deities. For one thing, public and private hospitals have grown up throughout
III. Transformation of the Three Deities:
In his study of the Royal Lords, Katz (1992:214) finds that, even though under the impacts of social change and the improved medical system, the Royal Lords remain popular because they have broadened their functions so that they do more than cure disease.(note.2) Indeed, under the pressures of rapid social change, popular religion remains popular. Many ruined temples were rebuilt, and ceremonial parades and pilgrimages became very prevalent (Chiu 1987:254; Katz 1992:214; Jordan 1994:139). Sangren (1987:92) argues that the popularity serves as a symbol of Taiwanese identity based on the shared historical and cultural experiences which differentiates them from the mainlanders who immigrated to the island after the
According to Hill Gates (1982 unpub., qtd. in Weller 1985:59), the revival has been funded primarily by a Taiwanese traditional middle class. She argues that these people spend money on religion as a way of gaining status and investing in the local community. This argument is similar to that of James Watson (1985:293-323) which I summarised in Chapter Four. The difference between Watson's observation and the revival of
Moreover, these deities under study here are not "approved" and thus do not interest the local leaders who wish to "gentrify" themselves, nor were any sectarian institutions formed to foster these deities. Can, then, the worship of these deities survive under the pressure of the rapid social changes? The answer is positive. Even though the traditional roles that these deities were serving as the guardians of children have been gradually neglected due to the improvement of the medical system, they have been partially transformed into the patron deities of gambling. According to my field research, 28 stone deities are obviously involved in the Lottery gambling.(note.4) Besides, 19 tree deities are clearly connected with the Lottery. (note.5)
The organisation of lottery gambling was a means by which the Japanese colonial government (1895-1945 CE.) raised funds in
Why then, did the Nationalist Government ban the official lottery in 1988? The most vital reason is the prevalence of the illegal "Everybody Happy" Lottery which the winning numbers is based on the official lottery. Actually, the impact of the illegal Lottery has been massive and is one of most important cultural phenomena in these years (Hu Taili 1991:125). Several years ago, when it came to its apex, on the dates the result of the Lottery were announced, "the streets were almost empty like in times of air raids" (Hu Taili 1991:132) and the overload on the telephone system routinely paralyzed inter-city communications (Davis 1992:426). Some observers, therefore, said that the Lottery's Bettors (I shall call them "the Bettors" hereinafter) were running crazy.(note.6)
Among these above mentioned stone/tree deities, the Stone God of Ho-peng Ward (#S15; see figure 15), the stone Granny of Ho-peng Ward (#S16; see figure 16), the Stone God of Khe-te Hamlet (#S34; see figure 36) and the Stone God of
My field record was verified by the reports of various field researchers. According to Hu Taili (1991:133-52), the Good Brothers, the Stone God, the Third Prince, the Land God, Jigong (the Crazy Monk) are popular deities that the illicit lottery Bettors like to consult. According to Lin Mei-rong (1987:65), the Land God and the Tree God are connected with the illicit lottery Bettors. According to Yuan Chang-rue (1993:12), the Tree God is involved in the gambling divination.
I claim that the transformation is not only a religious response to modernity but also, to a certain degree, a resistance against the pressures on this worship. My claim can be supported by the analysis of the divination instruments the Bettors use and the deities they revere for predicting the winning numbers of the Lottery.
Gambling, like prostitution, is ancient, widespread, and widely disapproved in Chinese society as elsewhere in the world.(note.8) It flourishes, in spite of ethical taboo and legal sanction, as an institutionalised deviant pattern and as a form of crime in which the victims are willing accomplices (Paton 1917:163; Bergler 1958:229; Devereux 1968:53). (note.9)
Gambling may be defined as a form of activity in which the parties involved, who are known as bettors or players, voluntarily engage to make the transfer of money or something else of value among themselves contingent upon the outcome of some future and uncertain event (Devereux 1968:53). Dealing with unpredictable and uncertain events, the Taiwanese lottery gamblers, similar to those of many other places in the world, are likely to turn to divination with the supernatural as a source of help to win the lottery.(note.10) They believe that through divination with the supernatural, deities will predict and reveal the winning numbers of the lottery to them so that they can bet and win.
IV. Divination Instruments:
Divination is the method of discovering the personal, human significance of future, present or past events with the help of the supernatural. Instruments for divination with the supernatural in Chinese popular religion are many, and selection among them depends upon a number of factors, including the nature of the question to be put, the intricacy required in the response, the amount of money one is able to spend, the personnel involved in the manipulation and interpretation of the instruments and one's relations with these people, the usual mode of communication used by the supernatural agent one wishes to consult, and various other factors (cf. Jordan 1985:60). In theory, anything can be used to divine the meaning of events. It is very common to assign spontaneous and arbitrary meaning to signs or omens when one is deeply anxious about the outcome of a personal situation. But the cultural form of divinatory methods and signs is seldom entirely random: each one expresses a specific logic (Suesse 1987:375).
According to Hu Taili, the commonest instruments of divination for the revealing of the winning numbers of the illicit lottery are through the Moon Blocks, divination verses, dream, incense tray, shamans and so on. Some even observe natural phenomena for hints (1991:133-52). Similarly, Yuan Chang-rue (1993:11) and Lin Mei-rong (1987:72) both report that the Bettors can get some hints from the incense tray put on the altar of the deities and from the ash of incense stick. In the following sections, I depict seven divination instruments which are usually used by the Lottery Bettors of my field sites.
1, Moonblock Throwing:
Let us begin with the analysis of "throwing moonblocks" (pua-pei). Throwing moonblocks is the commonest divination practice used in the Chinese popular religion and is popular among gamblers. Most of the temples (or shrines) visited by me provide moonblocks for divination. The moonblocks (sometimes translated in English as moonboards or divination blocks) are the two pieces of bamboo root, each cut into the shape of a crescent moon, rounded on one surface and flat on the other (cf. Jordan 1985:61). The two pieces are mirror images of one another, and if the flat sides are placed against each other, the pair looks as though it were a single block of bamboo root. In divination these objects are held out upon the two palms, raised to the level of the forehead of the standing or kneeling worshipper, and allowed to drop on the floor. There are two positions in which each block can land: rounded side up or rounded side down. Therefore there are three combinations of positions: both blocks might land flat side downward, both might land rounded side downward, or each might land differently (Jordan 1985:61). This last combination is taken to indicate agreement by the deity with the proposition as stated, briefly a "yes" response. The question is typically presented in a murmured silent prayer and the blocks thrown and dropped. If they indicate an affirmative, they are thrown again. A validly affirmative reply requires three positive falls running, and the occurrence of a negative reply either requires the reconstruction of the question and another attempt, or requires that one give up (cf. Jordan 1985:62; Sangren 1987:55). Since this is the most secret divination practice, it is welcomed by the Bettors.
2, Lot-sticks and Verse Drawing:
Sometimes, the Bettors go to temples where they can make use of the oracle verses (chhiam-si). On the altar or beside the altar there is a container of bamboo lot-sticks each bearing numbers from one to sixty or from one to one hundred. When divining, one shakes the container until a lot-stick falls out of the container. The lot-stick is then confirmed by the throwing of moonblocks. If it is a "yes" response, one goes to tear off a sheet of numbered paper usually displayed on a board at one side of a temple according to the numbered lot-stick. The paper contains an oracle verse of four lines which are difficult to interpret. In some large temples, a custodian who is also a ritual expert would be ready to interpret. If an expert is not available, one can still seek a standard answer by consulting the interpretation book kept beside the oracle verses (cf. Jordan 1985:64; Feuchtwang 1992:107). However, for some simple questions such as predicting the winning numbers or such, the Bettors usually seek the answer from the numbers of the lot-stick or by getting a clue from the quick answers printed on bottom the verse paper etc.
3, Chair Writing:
It is said that the divination of a specific chair (Kio-a, I shall call it "the divination chair" hereinafter) is effective for predicting the winning numbers of the Lottery. The divination chair is a small wooden seat, usually about twenty centimeters on a side and about twenty-five or thirty centimeters high at the back. Divination by means of the small chair is accomplished by two men holding it by its legs in an upright position before an altar while incense is burned and the relevant supernatural agent is requested to descend into the divination chair. His descent is indicated by the onset of motion in the chair, particularly bouncing motion. At length the divination chair leans forward and with an ear-splitting crash descends upon a table, prepared in advance with a protecting surface of wood or burlap, and traces winning numbers upon it. These winning numbers are considered to be revealed by the possessing deity. The numbers traced upon the table are usually unclear, and a good deal of study of each number is necessary before it is correctly understood. Sometimes one even has to ask the deity to retrace the numbers three or four times before an acceptable interpretation is finally proposed by the person in charge of reading what the divination chair traces (cf. Jordan 1985:65-6).
4, Consulting Shamans:
The Hollo term for the shaman is "tang-ki" or "ki-tong", meaning "divining youth." Shamanism is a worldwide religious phenomenon which is characterised by possession trance (Kahoe 1988:38). Observations and interviews by scholars confirm that in
5, Incense Tray Imprinting:
Divination using an incense tray is not traditional in Chinese popular religion. However, a lot of Lottery Bettors like to predict the winning numbers in this way. The incense tray is a shallow tray for holding some sort of powder (usually incense or sometimes sand) which is leveled to make a flat surface. For divination, the tray is put on the altar overnight. It is said that on the next day the Bettors can see the winning numbers on the surface of the tray if they inspect it piously.
6, Dream Inducing:
Exegesis of dreams is one of the most ancient functions in Chinese history. People have always believed that dreams give clues to the predicting the future, and, suggesting ways to solve problems (Thompson 1988:73). Several instances in the Zuozhuan testify to the belief that the future might be known through dreams, and in the Shijing we read that Wuding, one of the kings of the Shang Dynasty, dreamed that a good assistant was given to him who should speak on his behalf. He described the appearance of the person whom he had seen in his dream and, after a search throughout the land, Yue was found who corresponded to the description and was in consequence made chief minister (Bonsall 1934:26).
Interpretations of dreams to the Taiwanese are also a rich source of omens, both auspicious and unpropitious. There are many books of this kind in local bookstores. However, the recognised, foretellable dreams come in such a variety of guises that the ordinary citizen usually goes to a temple and enquires of a priest about the category into which a dream should be placed (Wei & Coutanceau 1976:
When a Taiwanese feels the necessity to invite a god to appear in his/her dreams and answer a question, give the solution to a problem, or explain why a favour will or will not be carried out, two temples are conveniently visited in the Taipei area. The first is a huge complex that has lately been developing around the original Mazu temple in Guandu, an hour bus trip away from central
For the divination of the winning numbers, the Bettors can set an offering and worship in front of his/her favourite deity and sleep beside the altar or at home awaiting the revelation of the deity. The Stone God of Tham-te Ward (#S57; see figure 62) is famous for revealing the numbers among the Bettors. Perhaps the dream may seem a more individualised or personalised response from the supernatural, so some people resort to dream divination as against other, more standard, methods.
7, Intuitive Interpretation:
Of course, the divination instruments used by the Bettors to predict the winning numbers are not only limited to these. I was told that they can see the numbers from the face of the Stone God or from the ash of incense sticks offered to the patron deities of gambling. Some even just see natural phenomena or their own intuitions for the hints of winning numbers (cf. Hu Taili 1991:141).
Suesse (1987:375-79) distinguishes three general types of divination, based on indigenous meanings: those based on the immediate context when interpreted by the spiritual insight of the diviner (intuitive divination); those based on spirit manipulation (possession divination); and those reflecting the operation of impersonal laws within a coherent divine order (wisdom divination).
In many cultures extraordinary spiritual masters such as saints or gurus are often credited with insight of intuitive divination. Yet, some lay-people can also "see" or "know" reality or the future, though the reliability is not usually considered very great (Suesse 1987:376).
There are many varieties of possession divination in which spiritual beings are said to communicate through intermediary agents. This type of divination can be subdivided into two subtypes: 1, possession of non-human agents and 2, possession of human agents. Possession of non-human agents consists of attending to the flight of birds, behaviour of quadrupeds, fish, insects, or reptiles, the arbitrary movements of heavenly bodies, fire, water, stone, by lot, by throwing dice which are thought to be seized by the gods or spirits and directed according to a code known to the diviner. Possession of human agents may be of several theoretical forms: prophetic inspiration, shamanistic ecstasy, mystical illuminations and visions, and mediumistic or oracular trance (Suesse 1987:377).
Wisdom divination in which the diviner decodes impersonal patterns of reality by temporal patterns in movements of heavenly bodies (astrology) by patterns in earth formations (geomancy) or through mathematical correspondences (numerology) must usually begin in court and priestly circles, for it depends on a cumulative effort of generations and a specialised learning of which, in most early civilizations, only centralised priesthoods are capable. Only after literacy and education have become general can the sagelike diviner detach himself from court circles and apply himself to individual and nonpolitical concerns. For example, the practice of scapulamantic divination was used in court circles of the ancient
If we apply Suesse's typology to the divination instruments that the Bettors employ in predicting the winning numbers of the Lottery, we find that moonblock throwing, lot-sticks and verse drawing, divination chair writing, consulting shamans, incense tray imprinting, dream inducing, and intuitive interpretation all belong to possession divination.(note.11) This shows that the Bettors have an anti-authority tendency; that is, they rely neither on "intuitive divination" for which only the extraordinary spiritual masters are credited as reliable, nor on "wisdom divination" of which only the centralised priesthood in court are capable.
V. Patron Deities of Gambling:
There are some Chinese deities connected with gambling. There is even a patron deity of thieves (Cohen 1987:291). In spite of this, according to my field observation, the Good Brothers, the Stone and Tree Gods, the Third Prince, and the Crazy Monk are seriously involved in the Lottery. I believe that the involvement of these deities is not a coincidence.
1, the Good Brothers:
Many field researchers (e.g. Harrell 1974:201; Weller 1985:46) have already noted that it has been a long tradition that the Good Brothers favour the gamblers and those who are engaged in illegal activity.
Those who die without descendants to worship them become ghosts. The unidentified bones which have been found in places such as on old battle sites or mass graves are inevitably treated as ghosts. Usually the kind-hearted local people around these sites will collect these bones together to enshrine them and worship them. Once worshipped, they become a sort of ghostly deity and get the euphemism "the Responsive Deities" (Iu-ing Gong) or "the Good Brothers" (Haoxiongdi). Since they are apotheosised not for their ethics or morality, they are not bound by ethics or morality. It is often thought better to ask these spirits for favours of an unethical and immoral nature than to take such requests to normal deities. Therefore, gamblers, fugitives, illicit lovers, people seeking revenge, and all other types who were engaged in illegal activity like to worship the Good Brothers (Harrell 1974:201). However, it is somewhat risky to ask a favour of the Good Brothers, since they are not bound to morality and ethics.
2, Jigong:
One of the deities involved in the Lottery is Jigong (the Crazy Monk). The Buddhist name of Jigong is Daoji but he is well- known by the name Che-gong to Taiwanese and Jigong to Chinese. Jigong (?-1209) was an eccentric Buddhist monk, who violated monastic regulations, for example, by drinking wine and eating meat. Despite his antinomian behaviour he was posthumously venerated by some of his lay contemporaries as a miracle worker (Shahar 1993:1) and by modern Taiwanese as a powerful god. Probably because of his antinomian behaviour that estranged him from the monastic establishment of his time, he is hardly mentioned in Song and Yuan Buddhist literature. Thus, we know little about the historical Jigong. As a fictional character and a god he is usually referred to as Jidian ("Crazy Ji") or Jigong (Shahar 1993:2-15). (note.12)
The saint entertains his lay friends, whether of humble or high social standing with jokes, witty remarks, songs and poems. Shahar (1993:41) points out that spirit-mediums of the god in present-day
In brief, even though the trickster is funny, his religious powers are never questioned (Shahar 1993:58) and, moreover, reinforce his popularity. When asked by Hu Taili (1991:152) as to why they worshipped the deity for the Lottery, the Bettors typically answered: "Because the Jigong is crazy, he is more likely to reveal the winning numbers."
3, the Third Prince:
One of the deities involving in the Lottery is the Third Prince. The name of the Third Prince is Li Nozha (Li lo-chhia). In popular religion, Li Nozha is identified with the divinity "the Third Prince" in reference to his status as the third son of general Li Jing, or more simply "the Prince", or "Guardian of the Central Altar" ("Zhongtan Yuanshuai"). The immensely popular Ming epic The Investiture of the Gods (Fengshen Yanyi) which has exercised a considerable but relatively unstudied influence on Chinese popular culture accounts for much of the popularity of the hagiography of the Third Prince (Sangren 1993).
In this epic, the Third Prince is a divinely conceived trickster who defied both his earthly father and heaven. As a seven-year old, he playfully and unintentionally provokes a confrontation with the dragon king of the oceans, killing one of the dragon king's sons. This episode is the first of a series of similar ones that lead to another series of attempts by his father to control the unruly boy. Eventually, to escape divine punishment for his insubordination, the Third Prince returns his flesh and bones to his father, a suicidal act intended to abolish his filial obligations. Desiring a new body, the spirit of the Third Prince appears to his mother in her dreams and convinces her to defy her husband and secretly to erect a temple altar to him. Because the temple is so efficacious, never failing to respond to worshippers' requests, it attracts increasing numbers of pilgrims. Eventually, however, the Third Prince's father, Li Jing (Li Chg), discovers the temple's existence and destroys it and its image of the Third Prince. But because the Third Prince's souls had received nourishment from pilgrims' offerings and incense, his body is partially reconstituted with the aid of his Taoist immortal mentor, Taiyi Zhenren. Thus, the Third Prince goes on to become a supernaturally gifted hero (Sangren 1993:9). The Third Prince story recounts a rebellious son's attempts to escape paternal authority (Sangren 1993:2). In the field work, I found many temples where the god is enshrined are connected with the Lottery. Also, when questioned by Hu Taili (1991:152) as to why they worshipped the deity for the Lottery, the Bettors typically answered: "Because the Third Prince is childish, he is more likely to reveal the winning numbers."
4, the Stone and Tree Gods:
As far as the Stone and Tree Gods are concerned, for a number of reasons noted in the previous chapters, they are treated as minor deities and sometimes as marginal deities. Since they were originally deified because of containing intrinsic mystery according to Chinese cultural context, not because of moral deeds and thus not "approved",(note.13) the local leaders are not interested in promoting them. They are kept minor and marginal and thus outside the orthodox interpretation since there is lack of institutional means to channel these interpretations.(note.14) People may, according to their own needs, provide the deities with new interpretations, and therefore endow them with new functions.(note.15) In recent years, because of social and cultural changes, they have been endowed with a new function as gambling deities.(note.16) In brief, the Stone and Tree Deities, since their deification origins are different from the normal deities, can transform their religious function from normal adoption into gambling.
From the depiction of these patron deities, we see that the Good Brothers are favoured by those who are engaged in illegal activity because they have been apotheosised not by their ethics or morality; Jigong was an antinomian Buddhist monk who violated monastic regulations by drinking wine and eating meat; the Third Prince was an unruly boy who returned his flesh and bones to his father, a suicidal act intended to abolish his filial obligations; the Stone and Tree Gods, since they were originally deified because of containing intrinsic mystery and are kept minor and marginal, people may endow them with new function as gambling deities. In brief, we find a common facet among them, that is, none of them are bound by the officially approved morality.
VI. the Deities not Involved in the Lottery:
There are still 33 stone deities and 20 tree deities that do not connect themselves with the Lottery. I attribute the disconnection to four reasons. The first reason I know is that some are located in Hakka villages. As we have noted in Chapter One, probably because of being long persecuted and isolated in
The second reason is that some are treated as the Land God. We know that the Land God can be represented by stone and/or tree and is traditionally regarded as the guardian of land, of community, of wandering souls. In most places I studied, the Land God still plays his traditional role, that is, as the guardian of land and of community.(note.17)
The third reason is that some are too marginally located to be known by the Bettors. For example, only a few neighbours of the Tree God of
The last reason that some of the deities are unconnected with the Lottery is that their custodians do not allow the Bettors to come for predictions of the winning numbers of the Lottery. If a temple is open to the Bettors, they can make the temple more prosperous and at least better-financed. Consequently, the custodians of some temples encourage the Bettors to come for the winning numbers. However, Bettors who lose in the Lottery might come to destroy the deity statues or even set fire on the temples. I was told that the humble temple of the Stone God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S55; see figure 60) has been burned deliberately twice since it was built. Hu Taili also reports that a deity statue had been cut off eight times (1991:139). Therefore, some well-organised temples, which can collect donations door-to-door or establish a committee to support the temple finances do not have to take the risk of allowing the Bettors to come.(note.18)
In sum, we know that the reasons that keep these natural objects from the Bettors are that: 1, they are located in Hakka villages; 2, they are too marginally located to be known; 3, they are regarded as the Land God; and 4, well-financed temples' custodians do not allow the Bettors to come for the winning numbers. Therefore, whether a temple has been originally initiated due to performing miracles, or is connected with nominal adoption, has nothing to do with whether it is selected for gambling or not (see also Appendix).
VII. the Land God and the Wealth God:
However, the stone Land God of San-tiau Hill (#S23; see figure 25); the stone Land God of Ai-liau Hamlet (#S31; see figure 33); the stone Land God of Chhien-kah Ward (#S39; see figure 41); the stone Land God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S61; see figure 65) are connected with the Lottery.
Why in most localities the Land God is not connected with the Lottery while in some places he is treated so? An exemplary case to offer the answer and to explain the complicated relations among the Stone God, the Land God, the Good Brothers, and the Third Prince is the locality named "Chap-si-hun" (literally, the Fourteen Shares) where the temple of the Grandfather of Yellow Stone of Lai-o. District (#S43) is located. The Grandfather of Yellow Stone was deified about 50 years ago because of its unusual location (see also Chapter Five). The temple was very popular for nominal adoption (see also Chapter Six) and is currently famous for revealing the Lottery numbers. However, the Bettors come to the temple not only to worship the Stone God entitled "the Grandfather of Yellow Stone", but also the Third Prince enshrined in the same temple. In addition, both the Land God temple and the Good
As I have explained in the previous sections, the Stone God, the Good Brothers, and the Third Prince are worshipped by the Bettors since they are all not bound by the officially approved morality. However, although people come to worship the Land God is also for the winning numbers, the notion of worshipping him is different. When asked why they were worshipping the Land God as a patron deity of the Lottery, most of the Bettors answered: "Because the Land God is a god of wealth (cf. Hu Taili 1991:155)." In Chapter Three, I stated that sometimes he is also seen as a wealth god, since wealth and prosperity depend on the quality of the crops and on the peace of the community. Moreover, he is venerated as a wealth god mostly by businessmen such as stall-holders, traders, shop-keepers etc. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the Land God who is worshipped in urban areas as wealth god is more likely to get involved with gambling.
Indeed, the worship of the Wealth God is common in Chinese world (Yang 1961:79). He is not only ubiquitous in shops and stores, but also widely present in many temples and even in private homes. In New Year Festival, red scrolls are hung on the side posts, proclaiming that "yellow gold is bestowed upon the lucky man" (Burkhardt 1958b:52).
Many deities serve as the Wealth God. Some are specialised gods concerned with blessing the acquisition of wealth, while others were all-purpose gods which assumed the additional function of imposing social and moral restrictions on the manner of attaining prosperity (Yang 1961:76). Guan'gong, for instance, the god of war and the symbol of loyalty, is often worshipped as "Wu Caishen" (i.e. "the Military God of Wealth"). In folkloristic interpretation, he was cast in his role of a wealth god not merely by his might to bring wealth but also by his spirit of justice and loyalty, which should govern the dispensation of wealth. The worship of the god Guan'gong and his kind not only is considered a favourable influence in one's efforts to acquire wealth but also commits one to the spirit of justice and loyalty after prosperity arrives (cf. Yang 1961:79). According to the legends portraying the Land God, to worship him as a god of wealth require the commitment to the spirit as implied in the case of Guan'gong.(note.19)
VIII. Conclusion:
During the years of my field research, I had many opportunities to chat with and interview the Bettors. Since the lottery was and is illegal, at first they were unwilling to tell me that they came to seek the winning numbers of the Lottery. However, believers of popular religion normally worship deities only during the daytime, but the Bettors carried out their worship almost always around midnight. Moreover, unlike normal worshippers who put offerings, lighted candles, burned incense sticks and burned spirit money, they only burned spirit money and stayed around the altars overnight and inspected the ashes of the incense sticks and/or the surface of the incense trays closely and repeatedly. An experienced field researcher could realise that they were Bettors seeking the winning numbers of the Lottery. As we became familiar with each other, they became more and more willing to tell me that they came for the winning numbers. I spent much time consulting them about how to use divination instruments and predict the winning numbers.(note.20) If they won in the Lottery, they bought gold plaques, hired a hand puppet show, a Taiwanese opera show, or even a striptease show to dedicate to the deities for thanksgiving. If they lost in the Lottery, they would consider that the time was still not mature, that the deities were unwilling to make them rich (cf. Yuan Chang-rue 1993:11). If they lost many times, they would think that the deity statue had been possessed by evil spirits and thus its hand must be cut off in order to prevent it from cheating the Bettors anymore (see figures 108 & 109).
Sometimes, when I asked why they liked to bet, people would answer me that betting was for recreation. In effect, it is a worldwide phenomena that the gambler may justify his/her losses as a fair payment for the pleasure s/he has obtained from the activity itself (Devereux 1968:54).
Sometimes, I seriously asked those whom I was relatively familiar with as to why they liked to bet, and they would, as seriously as I, answer that: "Life is harsh, the Lottery is the only way that I have a chance to get rich!" The content of their conversations, their clothes, the vehicles they drove, the vocabulary they used, all indicate the low social status and relative poverty of these people. A study (Sutton-Smith and others 1963:21; cf. Devereux 1968:56-57) points out that in the
I believe that the prevalence of the Lottery is a reaction to the contemporary situation of the rapid social change in
Moreover, the previous examination of the divination instruments reveals the fact that the Bettors rely neither on extraordinary spiritual masters, nor do they depend on centralised priesthood. Additionally, through the analysis of the characteristics of the patron deities of the Lottery, we find that the Bettors favour the deities who are not bound by morality and who are outside the orthodox interpretation such as the deities I described in the previous sections. In other words, they favour "challengers" rather than "keepers" (see also Chapter Three). Just as Devereux (1968:56) maintains that "gambling would appear to make a mockery of the legitimate economy," I would say that to a certain degree the Lottery can be read as a resistance against or even subversion of those who are privileged and who set social values.
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(note.1)
Please see Hu Taili (1991) for a detailed description of the Lottery.
(note.2)
Under the pressures of rapid social change, those of a more pious frame of mind sought to reaffirm their religious and moral tradition through forming groups to foster it, and through claims to direct, new and direct revelations from ancient culture heroes. Indeed, both of these two factors, directly or indirectly, caused the resurgence of some folk sectarian societies in
(note.3)
For the historical experience of Taiwanese, please see Chapter One for details.
(note.4)
They are: the Stone God of Kim-eng Ward (#S7); the Stone Divine Grandfather of Pat-po Village (#S9); the Stone God of Jin-ho Village (#S11; see figure 11); the Stone God of Kang-khau Ward (#S14; see figure 14); the Stone God of Ho-peng Ward (#S15; see figure 15); the stone Granny of Ho-peng Ward (#S16; see figure 16); the Stone God of Tiong-guan Ward (#S19; see figure 19); the stone Land God of San-tiau Hill (#S23; see figure 25); the stone Good Brothers of San-tiau Hill (#S24; see figure 26); the Stone God of Sin-hong Ward (#S27; see figure 29); the stone Land God of Ai-liau Hamlet (#S31; see figure 33); the Stone God of Sion-lim Ward (#S33; see figure 35); the Stone God of Khe-te Hamlet (#S34; see figure 36); the Stone God of Ka-hin Ward (#S35; see figure 37); the Stone God of Hi-ti Rural-town (#S37; see figure 39); the stone Land God of Chhien-kah Ward (#S39; see figure 41); the Divine Stone of Giong-tek Boulevard (#S41; see figure 43); the Grandfather of Yellow Stone of Lai-o. District (#S43; see figure 45); the Stone God of Pe-hun Ward (#S44; see figures 46 & 47); the White Crane Immortal of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S46; see figure 48); the Wind- moving Stone of Bak-sa District (#S48; see figure 51); the Stone God of Pat-li Rural-town (#S52; see figures 56 & 57); the Stone God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S55; see figure 60); the stone Turtle of Ken- ki Road (#S56; see figure 61); the Stone God of Tham-te Ward (#S57; see figure 62); the Stone God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#S58; see figure 63); the Stone God of
(note.5)
They are: the Pine King of Chong-ui Rural-town (#T2; see figure 67); the Tree God of Thau-hun Village (#T4; see figure 69); the Tree God of Siong-tek Village (#T5; see figure 70); the Tree God of Kim-bin Ward (#T6; see figure 71); the Tree God of Kang-khau Ward (#T8; see figure 73); the Tree God of So.-o Urban-town (#T10; see figure 75); the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 79); the Beech Grandfather of Pak-si Ward (#T16; see figure 81); the Tree God of Sin-hong Ward (#T17; see figure 82); the Banyan God of Sn- lim Ward (#T18; see figure 83); the Divine Tree of Pen-teng Ward (#T19; see figure 84); the Tree God of Khe-te (#T21; see figure 87); the Tree God of Cho.-su Lane (#T22; see figure 88); the Tree God of Uan-chip Road (#T23; see figure 89); the Tree God of Ho-peng Ward (#T26; see figure 92); the Tree God of Po-san Ward (#T31; see figure 97); the tree Land God of Pak-li Rural-town (#T35; see figure 102); the Tree God of Lam-huin Ward (#T37) and the Tree God of Chhau-o. Hamlet (#T38; see figure 104). These deities can be subdivided into three types: the Stone and Tree Deity, the Land God, and the Good Brothers. I shall discuss them below (see also Appendix).
(note.6)
It has declined recently (Yuan Chang-rue 1993:11), but is still the most popular form of gambling in
(note.7)
Weller (1996:259) argues that the smell of cigarettes is more disreputable than the smell of pure incense.
(note.8)
While the origins of gambling are lost to recorded history, it probably derived from the various methods of divination by which ancient people sought to gain knowledge of the future, to cope with problems of uncertainty and fate (Paton 1917:163; Devereux 1968:53).
(note.9)
For instance, Roman Catholics have come to take a liberal attitude toward gambling, holding that there is nothing wrong in principle with gambling, providing only had certain conditions be met: that the game be honest, that the stakes be moderate and within the means of the players, and that the money staked be one's own, for example (Devereux 1968:58).
(note.10)
The gamblers in
(note.11)
By careful examination, we can argue that the instrument of "intuitive interpretation" can belong both to "intuitive divination" and "possession divination". Nonetheless, the instrument does not depend on the intuition of privileged masters at all.
(note.12)
However, we do know that he spent some time in
(note.13)
For the deification of these deities, please see Chapter Five for details.
(note.14)
Weller (1985:47-59), explains why officials have failed to manipulate the interpretation of ghosts, also contributing to the lack of institutional means to channel these interpretations.
(note.15)
In some places of
(note.16)
Yuan Chang-rue (1993:20-21) also has a similar observation.
(note.17)
They are: the stone Land God of Pei-go Village (#S12; see figure 12), the stone Land God of Tua-un Village (#S13; see figure 13), the stone Land God of Chhen-the Lane (#S21; see figures 21 & 22), the stone Land God of E-kham-te Hamlet (#S25; see figure 27), the stone Land God of E-huan Field (#S28; see figure 30), the stone Land God of Sin-hong Ward (#S29; see figure 31), the stone Land God of Chui-bue-a Hamlet (#S30; see figure 32), the stone Land God of Phek-chiu Ward (#S32; see figure 34), the stone Land God of Tong-an Street (#S42; see figure 44), the stone Land God of Tua-kham Village (#S51; see figure 55), the stone Land God of Tiang-ken Village (#S53; see figure 58), the stone Land God of Gien-kiu-in Road (#S54; see figure 59), the tree Land God of In-suan Street (#T11; see figure 76) and the tree Land God of the East Gate (#T12; see figure 77) (see also Appendix).
(note.18)
They are: the Stone Buddha of Uan-lim Town (#S5; see figure 5), the Stone God of Sia-thau Rural-town (#S6; see figure 6), the Stone General of Tan-khe Rural-town (#S8), the Emperor of Six Areas of Tan-suan Rural-town (#S10), the Stone God of Ka-lo Ward (#S18; see figure 18), the Stone God of Ka-ho Ward (#S36; see figure 38), the Literate and Militant Emperor of Po.-ho Village (#S38; see figure 40), the Grandfather of the Ancient Temple of An-lam District (#S40; see figure 42), the stone Granny of Chhim-khen Rural-town (#S45; see figure 48), the Stone God of Tek-san Town (#S17; see figure 17), the Stone God of Pak-tau District (#S47; see figure 50), the First Divine Patriarch of Chiang-chiu District of Chiam- teng Hamlet (#S49; see figure 52), the Stone God of Su-Lim District (#S50; see figures 53 & 54), the Stone God of Hong-guan City (#S60; see figure 64), The Tree God of Uan-lim Town (#T1; see figure 66), the Tree God of Peng-ho Ward (#T3; see figure 68), the Tree God and Goddess of Kui-sin Village (#T7; see figure 72), the Tree God of Tiong-san Ward (#T9; see figure 74), the Banyan Grandfather of Ka- lo Ward (#T13; see figure 78), the Tree God of Gue-bai Hamlet (#T20; see figure 86), the Banyan Tree Goddess of Thong-liang Village (#T27; see figure 93), the Tree God of Chap-ji Field (#T28; see figure 94), the General Chu of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T29; see figure 95), the Tree King of Sai-kang Rural-town (#T30; see figure 96), the Tree God of Chheng-bek Ward (#T32; see figure 98), the Autumn Maple God of Lam-kang District (#T33), the Tree God of Lam- kian West Road (#T34; see figure 101) and the Tree King of Tai-li Rural-town (#T39; see figure 105) (see also Appendix).
(note.19)
However, even then the Land God in rural areas is occasionally chosen to be the patron deity of gambling and he is not inevitably chosen as the gambling patron deity in urban areas. Therefore, there is a need for further investigation and analysis.
(note.20)
For the use of divination instruments to predict the winning numbers, see also
(note.21)